Groundwater and the political between the drops: Urban clean water shortage in Java, Indonesia

- Marie Belland
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Patterns of water governance
OceaniaSouth-East Asia
Colonial and post-colonial power
FloodingTechnologies adoptions and technical fixes
Economic water scarcityPhysical water scarcity
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Newspaper headlines and extract, [2] to [5]

Global Water Scarcity Atlas[1].

For several years, seasonal drought episodes alert about risks of water scarcity in Java. Earlier this year, the minister for National Planning explained that residents of three of the largest islands of the Indonesian Archipelago should prepare for increased drought.  

At the same time, Covid-19 pandemic shed light on the persisting lack of access to clean water for many urban poor.

World Bank 2021, water stress per river basin in relation with contribution to the National Gross Domestic Product [6]

Is Java becoming increasingly drier, and if so, why? What are we really talking about when we speak about water scarcity in Javanese cities?

One may ask, what causes recurring droughts in a seemingly water-rich environment? 

Among fast answers to the “why” questions, one is likely to come across explanations that foreground unpredictable weather patterns due to climate change, population growth, and urbanization. After all, Java experiences a dry season with especially severe lack of rains in July and August, is the most densely populated city of the country ranking 4th in population size, and is also called ”the island of mega-urban regions” [7].

As reasonable as these answers may seem, we find that these explanations only conceal part of the story, and can even be misleading.

 

Let us take a step back in time. 

Legend: Map of Semarang drawn by J.T. Busscher. ca. 1806.

Since the 18th century, Semarang has been growing around its port, which was a strategic location to move commodities within the Dutch East Indies and to Europe.

Legend: Queuing for water in Semarang in 1914. Source: NMVM collection.

The first efforts to organize clean water access for residents date from 1841, when the Dutch Colonial Government dug a dozen artesian wells to supply parts of the city, especially in the European neighborhoods and near the Dutch military buildings.  

Well drilling was mostly a response to cholera outbreaks (particularly deadly in 1910) and a fear of malaria. 

In 1913, Indonesian residents were connected to a piped network distributing spring water from Semarang's hilly areas [8].

Legend: Well in a traditional Javanese house, 1913. Source: KITLV Archive

The piped water network developed according to the economic means and priorities of the Colonial Administration. This means that with an urban population increasing steadily, the water needs of Indonesian residents are far from being met. As a result, most depended on water vendors, especially near the coast, where surface and groundwater tasted brackish, and on dry uphill areas [8].

“Problems related to water in Semarang persisted in the 20th century. At that time many complained about water sources drying up [...]. As a result, the villagers had to walk very far to town; collect water from artesian wells, then bring it home and use it sparingly for drinking water needs. Simultaneously, the supply of drinking water from artesian wells also began to feel inadequate. In fact, due to the lack of water supply from artesian wells, the Dutch colonial government even issued calls stating that tapping from artesian pipes could only be used for public purposes.” (Ardhianie and Kausan, upcoming [8])

Legend: European technicians in the factory of Hygeia in 1901.

Yet, artesian water was made useful to private parties that successfully turned water into a luxury product. For instance, Hygeia, the first company for soda water and mineral water, was flourishing. The black-cat logoed factory belonged to T. F. Tillema, a Semarang-based pharmacist and businessman much concerned with hygiene and otherwise very vocal in advocating for more ambitious intervention by the Dutch administration to renovate poor urban settlements he deemed unhygienic. In its first year of production alone (1901), Hygeia produced 500,000 bottles issued from spring sources [8]. 

 

Legend: Astudio-portrait of a woman as an advertisement for ‘Eiffel Water’ in Semarang, circa 1925. Source: KITLV

Advertisements such as this poster from circa 1925 suggest an association of clean water with europeanness, whiteness, and modernity. Here, the Dutch brand bottling Semarang water crafted a poster most likely directed towards a Dutch audience, claiming ”Dit is “JE MERK” (This is YOUR BRAND) and featuring the recently built Eiffel Tower.

If we consider on the other side the expansion of the piped water network in Semarang, it becomes clear that these constructions have lagged more acutely in the following decades. From WWI to the Indonesian War of Independence, the successive national and regional administrations had little money to allocate to water infrastructures.

In their book about water access in Semarang, Nila Ardhianie and Bagas Yusuf Kausan note that many Indonesian residents rightly preferred to use shallow wells instead of accessing the piped water network - a preference already observed and deplored by the Dutch ‘hygienist’ Tillema - having well understood that its development is not oriented towards them but primarily meant for European elites [8].

In the early decades of Indonesian independence, Semarang water company (PDAM) experimented with filtering surface and spring water but shortages persisted, affecting even residents connected to the piped network due to dry springs in uphill areas. As a result, since the mid-1970s, the drilling of artesian or deep wells has multiplied all over the city, completing the dependence of residents, businesses, and public institutions on groundwater.

Up until today, the Semarang households with access to piped water have been dissatisfied because of the poor quality of the water, its brackish taste, and its lack of reliability.

Despite poor performances, the price of water accessed through PDAM was raised by 240% in 2002. This is to invest, expand the coverage of its services, and gain new customers. In 1995, the PDAM was only able to meet the clean water needs of about 35% of urban residents; in 2007, it was 55,8%; and the company claims to have achieved 64% coverage in 2016 [8].

Source: Immanuel Ardhika, Mangkang Wetan, 2022

Unconnected peri-urban and rural areas have developed their water supply with the help of state programs in the form of small-scale water installation, usually at the scale of a neighborhood, providing deep groundwater to residents’ homes. 

Recent studies estimated that across different modes of water access, 79.7% of the population of Semarang still uses groundwater as their main water source[9].

Source: Immanuel Ardhika, Mangkang Wetan, 2022

The generalized reliance on groundwater extraction does not go without consequences, the most dramatic is the acceleration of land subsidence, which has been measured at up to 20 centimeters a year in certain locations [10].

Source: Semarang Subsiding Lighthouses, Ardhika

The soil layers compact on themselves, which is especially pronounced in coastal areas. Coastal subsidence is associated with flood events, with tidal and river water flowing on the streets and in the houses.

Source: Author, Mangkang Kulon, 2022

Source: Author, Mangkang Kulon, 2022

Source: Author, Mangkang Kulon, 2022

Source: Construction of the first segment of the giant seawall. Author, 2022

When mentioning the ‘water crisis’, the Indonesian central government tends to favor large infrastructural solutions. These are usually packaged in a so-called ‘national strategic project’ which is fit to attract private investments and allow the project to prevail over previous, and possibly more environmentally friendly, regional regulation and land planning.

Examples of these projects include the construction of a giant seawall topped-up by a toll road along the coast to reduce floods, large water desalination plants, and the construction of dams and reservoirs[11].

Both activists and researchers have criticized this pattern for being shortsighted, for their incapacity to address the root of the water crisis, and for their detrimental environmental and social impacts, including worsening land subsidence. This is the cause of the crisis, perversely framed as a solution, argues the activists and researchers coalition Maleh dadi Segoro [12].

Researchers and activists studies help to see the water crisis in Semarang and more broadly Java, in another light. The history of water access in Semarang explains that water scarcity and floods coexist, since both water issues take their root in the extreme reliance on groundwater extraction. It also highlights which political choices allowed this reliance to grow since 1840. 

In short, water scarcity in Semarang is unevenly distributed due to a social-ecological crisis whose main protagonist is groundwater.

About the author

Marie Belland

Marie Belland

I am an early-career researcher trained in political science whose main research interest is environmental urban politics. My PhD research project investigates land subsidence in the city of Semarang in Central Java, Indonesia. More precisely, I am studying multiple ways to know land subsidence and live in subsiding areas using ethnographic methods, and I actively engage in the pluralization of subsidence knowledge and practices. My research is informed by urban political ecology and science, feminist science, and technology studies theories.

References

[1] Powered by Aalto University, consulted on November 30, 2022.

[2]  Source: https://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2018/07/23/drought-hits-hundreds-of-central-java-villages.html.

[3] Source: https://www.channelnewsasia.com/asia/indonesia-braces-prolonged-drought-clean-water-shortage-and-crop-failure-due-el-nino-3660576 

[4] Source:https://en.antaranews.com/news/234237/bali-java-nusa-tenggara-to-face-water-scarcity-minister

[5]Source: https://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2020/03/24/hand-washing-to-counter-covid-19-still-a-luxury-for-indonesias-urban-poor.html

[6] Retrieved from: World Bank group, Global Water Security & Sanitation Partnership (GWSP), 2021, Indonesia Vision 2045, Toward Water Security, 150p. 

[7] Firman, Tommy. “The urbanization of Java, 2000–2010: towards ‘the island of mega-urban regions’.” Asian Population Studies 13.1 (2017): 50-66.

[8] Extract of Ardhianie Nila, Kausan Bagas Yusuf (upcoming). Bergantung Pada Air Tanah. 181 Tahun Akses Air Kota Semarang, 1840-2021 (translated from Bahasa Indonesia). 

[9] Source: Ground Up study, 2021, 2022. 

[10] Source: Abidin HZ, Andreas H, Gumilar I, et al. (2013) Land subsidence in coastal city of Semarang (Indonesia): characteristics, impacts and causes.: 16; Abidin Hasanuddin Z, Andreas H, Gumilar I, et al. (2015) Environmental Impacts of Land Subsidence in Urban Areas of Indonesia. In: FIG Working Week 2015, Sofia, Bulgaria, 2015, p. 12.

[11] West Semarang Drinking Water Supply System is a project to supply drinking water under a private-public partnership scheme. […]. This project will use water from Jatibarang Dam and aims to resolve the problem of raw water supply shortage in Semarang, which is currently supplied by Kudus Regency. The purpose of the project is to provide drinking water for 31 sub-districts in 3 districts, in which around 60,000 families do not yet have access to the Drinking Water Supply System (SPAM) network in West Semarang, Tugu, and Ngaliyan areas. The project aims to resolve the clean water crisis and reduce the use of groundwater in Semarang.

[12] Batubara, B., Kausan, B. Y., Handriana, E., Salam, S., & Ma’arufah, U., (2021). Banjir Sudah Naik Seleher: Ekologi Politis Urbanisasi DAS-DAS di Semarang. Semarang: Cipta Prima Nusantara.

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