Thirsty for Alternatives: recommoning water

- Dona Geagea

Dear reader,

In this section, I share the stories of Terrassa (Spain) and Naples (Italy), two mid to large sized cities that succeeded to remunicipalise their water utilities through bottom up mobilisations, and declare water as a common good.

Curious about these two cases, I went into the field to talk to the people on the ground who have been previously excluded from research and who led to the success of these experiments. I tried to understand what worked and how they did it, but also what didn’t or isn’t working, and why.

My research documents and assesses these types of alternative ways for managing water as the commons – meaning a resource that belongs to a community that takes care of it (or at least of the decisions made about it). My invitation to you is to be able to imagine more democratic, inclusive and sustainable alternatives for protecting and managing our most essential resources.

I am thirsty for alternatives. Are you?

Source: ‘La Fontana di Spinacorona’, an enclosed public water fountain with the figure of a siren protecting the Mount Vesuvius region with its water - taken by author during fieldwork.

Reclaiming Water in our Cities

While we have come far from ‘long ago’ in developing our cities into livable spaces, much of what used to be managed in common, in smaller nodes of communities and user associations, has been relegated at first stage to the public realm, and then to the private. The shift from a commons paradigm to a control of water paradigm emerged at a time when there was a need to provide water to increasing populations moving into cities, and to distribute this water for the various needs from drinking to agriculture, to industrial production and ultimately even to return some of it back to nature so the groundwater reserves are not depleted.

While the ‘public’ arena was originally a form of protecting that which we share in common (i.e our communal resources like water and land), a new wave in economic thinking (neoliberalism, with the ‘Chicago School boys’) peaked in the 90’s that had a strong faith in liberalising the economy and privatising public services. Neoliberalism relegated public responsibilities to private actors, considering them as more ‘efficient’ and ‘profitable’ at a time when public services were not particularly well managed.

Over the years, and in doing so with resources essential to life such as water, the for-profit mindset began to show its ugly teeth. The Water War in Cochabamba in 2000 became a symbolic event for the kind of injustices that happen when water is enclosed to private, profit-seeking actors who hike costs of the service without notice and cut off water from households who don’t pay.

From this point onwards, a growing resistance to water privatisation rippled globally while ongoing mechanisms to implement privatisation equally continued to be enacted top-down through frameworks and directives, structural adjustment policies as conditions for development loans from international financial institutions such as the IMF and World Bank. More recently, austerity regimes and policies (post the 2008 financial crisis) have been implemented to cut down on public spending, pushing municipalities to have to outsource services to private actors– as is in the case of water utilities.

Particularly in two cases I have studied in Southern Europe – Spain and Italy – municipalities were required by law to either give a concession to a private water company to manage its services (or otherwise have to justify the choice not to) as in the case of Terrassa; or in the case of Naples, to change the legal structure of the public utility into a joint-stock company permitting private actors to hold a share.

Research has shown that in some cases these set-ups would temporarily relieve the municipality from the burden of costs associated with the service, and could at times provide quick financial gains in the short term. However, because the private companies (or private-oriented models) operate with a profit motive, the bottom line was to make profit from the service fees (the tariff). In turn this results in limited investment in upkeeping water infrastructure, pipes and networks, and cutting off water to non-payers.

Ultimately, with the high rise in job losses, the mortgage crisis and the overall dissatisfaction with the economic model that led to the 2008 financial crisis, social movements rose in dissent. With this momentum, rose a water ‘remunicipalisation’ movement in Europe that saw its peak around 2010 when the UN Declared water as a Human Right. Slogans of the water movement stated: “it is written water, but reads democracy”.

Water became intertwined with democratic rights to decide on its governance by residents of a territory directly consuming it and using it for daily needs and/or services. Water became symbolic for the reclamation of civic rights and common resources from the private sphere. If this could be done with water, the most essential resource to human (and nature) life, then it can be done to other services like healthcare, energy, education etc.

From here, the term ‘remunicipalisation’ grew in discursive use, as a form of reclaiming the public and common resources from the private sphere, with an added accountability element – a deeper engagement of citizens (and non-citizen residents of a territory) in the governance of water in their city.

Two very unique cases of water remunicipalisations (bringing water under public management) that succeeded, went further by employing a commons-framework.

Commoning is the practice of a community ensuring that resources are shared in common, and are used for the common good. Several authors have written about commoning as the act of expanding, reproducing, and stewarding a common resource.

Recommoning water – as a concept, better captures and emphasises the process of reclaiming such everyday practices of social organisation and reproduction around water politics and management in a city. A process of recommoning must by necessity transcend the configurations of property and power that had enclosed the water commons in the first place. It involves creative crafting of new processes and institutions that can permit citizens to reclaim custodian practices and access to decision-making over water resources, thus re-politicising water governance.

Let me tell you the stories of these two cities…

Source: photo of Naples taken by author during fieldwork.

Source: ‘La Fontana di Spinacorona’, an enclosed public water fountain with the figure of a siren protecting the Mount Vesuvius region with its water - taken by author during fieldwork.

Source: photos taken during fieldwork by author.

Source: photo with the Ex-President and Vice President (to the right) of the Citizen Water Observatory of Terrassa/ OAT, and current President with author (to the left)

Source: photo taken during fieldwork by author, depicting the industrial feel of Terrassa.

Source: Photo taken during presentation of research results to the Citizen Water Observatory of Terrassa in a focus group setting structured around a discussion.

Source: Aerial view of Naples taken by author from plane

Source: author during fieldwork visiting the quality testing laboratory of ABC Napoli.

Source: Photo taken by author during fieldwork.

Source: photos taken during fieldwork by author.

The case of Terrassa

Terrassa has a complicated history with water. As Catalonia’s third largest city, and home to 224,114 inhabitants (Idescat, 2022), Terrassa is located at the bottom of the Prelitoral mountain range, and gets its water from Llobregat River and alluvial wells, with its own treatment plant, and from Aguas Ter Llobregat when needed (S.A. company of Generitat de Catalunya).

To become the industrial city it is known to be, Terrassa had to change its waterscape over the years to meet increasing levels of production, particularly in the water-intensive textile industry. In Terrassa, one can still see the structures of modernity, with factories represented by concrete towers (a symbol of Terrassa). In the name of modernity, Mina Publica d’Aigues de Terrassa, S.A. (Mina), the old water company, was established in 1842 by the wealthy local business owners, with a contract renewed in 1941. The last concession alone covered 75 years of Mina running Terrassa’s water system, and was coming to an end in 2016 (Escritura de Concession, 1941).

Source: photo with the Ex-President and Vice President (to the right) of the Citizen Water Observatory of Terrassa/ OAT, and current President with author (to the left)

Similar to many other regions around the world, the austerity crisis that followed the economic downturn in 2008 had a significant impact on the living and economic conditions of the people in Terrassa. The combination of rising unemployment and reductions in welfare benefits led to an increase in public budget deficits, jeopardizing essential public services (Periodico, 2014). However, this challenging period also had a positive outcome. Many citizens, especially those who were retired or approaching retirement age, belonged to a generation that had experienced the struggles of the Franco regime, which only came to an end in 1975. When they discovered that their city's water concession would expire in 2016, they saw an opportunity for change, starting with the management of water resources.

After thoroughly studying the experiences of other cities that had successfully remunicipalised their water services, such as Naples, Paris, Berlin, Olesa de Montserrat, and Cadiz in Spain, the activists in Terrassa formulated a proposal for the remunicipalisation of their own city's water services. Once they secured political support and received approval for the remunicipalisation, they continued to promote their agenda by proposing the establishment of a citizen water observatory. This observatory's role extended beyond mere citizen or public consultation, aiming to actively engage the community in the management of water resources.

Source: photo taken during fieldwork by author, depicting the industrial feel of Terrassa.

The newly established entity, known as the OAT, plays a pivotal role within a triangular governance model and aims to challenge an established hierarchy. This model involves collaboration between the municipal government, the newly formed public water utility Taigua, and the city's residents. The OAT, as outlined in its official mandate, not only acts as an observer but also actively engages citizens in the process of formulating and assessing proposals. Its primary objective is to enable citizens to participate in defining policies and strategic decisions that are crucial for ensuring the effective functioning of the water service.

In simpler terms, the OAT's mission is centred on reinstating citizen participation, authority, and self-determination within the local water governance framework. This approach is often referred to as the "co-production" of public water policy in the city.

To learn more about this observatory, you can read the full open access article here: https://journals-sagepub-com.vu-nl.idm.oclc.org/doi/full/10.1177/00420980231169612

Source: Photo taken during presentation of research results to the Citizen Water Observatory of Terrassa in a focus group setting structured around a discussion.

The case of Naples

Amid a trend of water privatisation across Europe, Italy initiated a series of legal changes in 1994 that transitioned water services management from complete municipal control to public-private partnerships. A significant Italian referendum in 2011 revealed widespread opposition among Italians to the introduction of private sector principles into essential public services, particularly water provision. This widespread support enabled a grassroots-driven transformation, as citizens connected the preservation of water resources with broader democratic values and the concept of shared resources. The results of the referendum were legally binding and led to the repeal of a law decree promoting privatisation. Naples was the only major city in Italy however to adopt a governance model centred on the commons, driven by grassroots efforts.

Source: Aerial view of Naples taken by author from plane

With the election of the ex-mayor, de Magistris in 2011, who positioned himself in alliance with the movement, Naples emerged as a trailblazer in reshaping its governance to safeguard water resources from privatisation, setting it apart as an exception in Italy. Local legal experts played a pivotal role in facilitating this transformation by assisting the city in adopting a new legal provision that led shifting their water utility from a company with sellable shares (joint-stock company) into a fully publicly-owned and non-profit entity. In April 2013, it was branded as Acqua Bene Comune (ABC) Napoli, which translates to 'Water as a Commons Naples,' and it took on the responsibility of managing water services for 1.5 million residents.

Source: author during fieldwork visiting the quality testing laboratory of ABC Napoli.

The statutes of ABC include a commitment to "enhance the nature of water as a commons" through both representative and participatory democracy (ABC Statutes). This emphasis on civic participation aligns with a commons-oriented approach and includes the establishment of a Surveillance Committee with functions encompassing "consultation, control, information, listening, and debate."

However, various challenges confront this model, which are reflected on under a critique of constructing disembodied water commons, in this article here: (forthcoming).

Source: Photo taken by author during fieldwork.

Embracing commoning as a distinct approach to governance opens the door to envisioning fresh opportunities for transformative collective actions, even though it comes with inherent unpredictability. It is crucial to explore and record proposals for alternative citizen participation models in local water management, as they hold significance. The ongoing discussion regarding whether these models should be formally institutionalised or not ultimately hinges on the specific circumstances and requirements of each context. Nonetheless, it remains of utmost importance to delve into how these experimental approaches can foster the creation of radically democratic frameworks that enable the contemplation of more embodied, locally-rooted, and sustainable water futures within urban settings.

If you know of similar cases to share, please write to me at the provided contact details. I’d love to hear from you! I am happy to be contacted if you have questions, ideas or would like to collaborate: dgeagea@gmail.com.

About the author

Dona Geagea

Dona is an experienced facilitator and stakeholder engagement specialist, with a decade of work experience in the water sector. Currently she is completing a PhD on social water movements and emerging water governance practices (recommoning water) at Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam as an Early Stage Researcher with NEWAVE – Next Water Governance. Formerly as Global Lead for Water Innovation Labs at Waterlution, a Canadian NGO, she designed and executed social innovation labs, emphasizing water knowledge-sharing and empowering emerging leaders to address water challenges through interdisciplinary collaboration across several countries in the northern and southern hemispheres. Dona has also organized and moderated workshops at prestigious water forums including Budapest Water Summit, Singapore International Water Week, World Water Forums, the UN Water Conference 2023, and GIZ’s Partnership on Climate Transparency Retreat. Being Lebanese born and partly growing up in Canada, she has developed a cultural fluency that enables working with diversity, from grassroots initiatives to high level policy fora. She works with tools from the Art of Hosting, Processwork, Systems and Design Thinking, Social Innovation Labs and Theory U among others. She is dedicated towards working with feminist political ecology principles centred around care.

NEWAVE ESR10

References

ABC (n.d.) Statuto di ABC-Acqua Bene Comune. Napoli. Available at: https://www.abc.napoli.it/allegato/Azienda/allegato_1191_Statuto.pdf (accessed 4 February 2023).

El Priodico (2014) Terrassa reduce en 1,7 millones de euros supresupuesto para 2015. ACN / Terrassa.www.elperiodico.com/es/terrassa/20141118/terrassa-reduce-en-17-millones-de-euros-su-presupuesto-para-2015-3698793 (accessed 24 September 2022).

Escritura de Concession Administrativa para Explotacion del Serviciode Abastecimiento y Suministro de Aguas (1941) Rafael Fabra Capri Notary. No 962. Tarrassa.

Idescat Statistical Institute of Catalonia (2021) The municipality in figures: Terrassa. www.idescat.cat (accessed 30 November 2022).

Thirsty for Alternatives: recommoning water

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Dear reader,

Reclaiming Water in our Cities

The case of Terrassa

The case of Naples

About the author

Dona Geagea

Dona Geagea

References

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