Transforming communal irrigation

- Javier Rodríguez Ros
Tags
Paradigms of water governace
Western Europe
Depoliticization
Technologies adoptions and technical fixes
IrrigationPower dynamics
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Riparian vegetation in the Taibilla River, El Tobar (2022).

The common origins and practices of these mountain irrigation systems relate to Berber groups that developed complex systems of acequias (canals) without any external influence from a central administration, unlike other larger systems in the middle and downstream part of the basin. Thus, irrigation systems like Férez or Letur, located in the eastern part of Sierra del Segura were designed and subsisted autonomously, irrigating by gravity huertas (orchards) whose layout and infrastructures had barely changed until the end of the 20th Century.

This autonomy and cultural links amidst villages of Sierra del Segura and other surrounding territories (which extend beyond the Segura basin) contributed to conform a ‘speech community’ with an extraordinarily abundant vocabulary related to water and irrigated agriculture. Hence, communities of irrigators like Fuentes de Letur (Letur) or La Mora y Los Tollos (Férez) historically constructed meanings of water access and use that became inscribed in language, signs, and codes, but also in the materials of ‘traditional’ infrastructures and technologies and the biodiversity associated to them. In this sense, the interactions that emerge from ‘human’ and ‘non-human’ actors within these communal irrigation systems have political implications that shape livelihoods and agroecosystems. 

However, much of the infrastructures, cultural practices, and associated ecosystems of ‘traditional’ irrigation systems are disappearing with the ‘modernization’ of irrigation systems, impacting the languages and knowledges of these communities of irrigators. State-led initiatives of ‘modernization’ have managed to transform 73% of the irrigation systems in the basin in 2022 (CHS), pioneering an irrigation transformation in Spain that is expanding rapidly to other regions of the country. This radical shift not only implies a significant loss in terms of diversity of vocabularies, practices, and ways of knowing; it also entails a transformation of the local political orders that are progressively assimilated by centralized basin dynamics, jeopardizing the very existence of communal irrigation.

In 2003, the Castilla-La Mancha Government officially declared the ‘modernization’ of the irrigation systems of “Elche de la Sierra, Férez, Liétor, Letur, Socovos, and others” of general interest (BOE, 2003b, p. 46944), all located in Sierra del Segura. This decree included a broad number of communities of irrigators, some of which never requested the ‘modernization’ of their systems, as it was the case of Letur. The top-down nature of these ‘modernization’ plans, fostered by municipal and regional authorities, reveals how power relations manifest in spatial practices, including the production and control of space by dominant groups.

Férez village and huerta (orchard) (2023).

The case of the Community of Irrigators la Mora y los Tollos (CIMT) in Férez, whose ‘modernization’ was fostered and negotiated by a local elite of politicians and irrigators, is a recent example of how powerful actors instrumentalize scarcity and induce water reallocations within the SRB. Research conducted in this town and its historical irrigation system in 2021-2022 illustrates how the rapid and successive transformations of water governance throughout the last 40 years impacted the CIMT and its irrigated agroecosystem, which subsisted for centuries through traditional irrigation infrastructures and practices.

Flow variation of Férez spring. Source: CHS & INTECSA-INARSA (2022).

Such transformations started with the proliferation of groundwater extractions above the CIMT’s water spring in the 80s. Especially, with the well of the municipality of Férez, responsible for drinking water supply in the town, which sought to ensure groundwater access before the prohibition of digging new wells after the Water Act of 1986. The evolution of the spring’s water flow reflects how throughout the 90s the main water spring of Férez decreased its flow in 83%, largely due to groundwater overabstractions from the municipal’s well.

Abandoned canal and automation boxes (intakes and flowmeters) in Férez (2022).

The decrease of water flows in the spring radically affected irrigation within the CIMT, fully dependent on this source for agricultural production. The solution to this lack of water was proposed by a group of local leaders linked to regional political parties: to dig a new well to ensure water availability for the CIMT. This was possible as communities of irrigators have the right to restitute their lost water flows through groundwater abstractions, a measure that many irrigators refused, arguing that the irrigated areas of Férez do not have good enough climatic conditions to make vegetable production profitable if they had to be irrigated from a well. However, community and political leaders (including one of the mayors during the water levels’ decrease in the 90s) managed to dig the well, arguing a “need to restore the scarce water flow of the spring to serve the historically irrigated areas”.

Irrigators used carafes to irrigate vegetables of his orchard in Férez (2022). The leaders of the CIMT had forbidden access to this water of the main canal, remaining largely unused for two years.

Not only did this understanding of water availability depoliticize the reasons behind the depletion of the spring, but it also contributed to naturalizing a sort of chronic lack of water in Férez amidst the irrigators of the CIMT. Yet, the leaders of the CIMT drew on water scarcity as the main obstacle to overcome in order to be able to irrigate, leading to a new next step in the transformation of their territory: the ‘modernization’ of the irrigation system, implying the pressurization of water distribution and the implementation of drip irrigation.

Commoner fills water drums to irrigate trees at his plot in Férez (2022).

Despite the partial financing of the works through public subsidies, this new system required the participation of all irrigators so that it could be profitable, which did not happen. Furthermore, the project was deficiently designed and provoked numerous breakdowns, resulting in overruns that indebted many irrigators. The CIMT itself became indebted with the local electric company, owned by the mayor mentioned before, as it could not afford the energy costs of groundwater abstractions. These problems created a conflict between ‘traditional’ and ‘modern’ irrigators, including the lack of maintenance in sections dependent on ‘modernized’ irrigators and the plain destruction of lined canals to force irrigators to join the ‘modernized’ system. Consequently, most irrigators could not irrigate through any of the systems, and in 2022 relied on jugs, drums, and tanker trucks to irrigate their crops.

A water tank was used in Férez to convey water for emergency irrigation of newly planted olive trees (2022).

Currently, two main projects are being promoted to solve the problems described and to boost irrigation in the municipality of Férez: a new ‘modernization’ plan for the CIMT, and a new project of ‘social irrigation’. The latter has been fostered by the regional government to stop population decrease in rural areas of Castilla La Mancha. However, big landowners have taken advantage of these projects and this seems to be the case in Férez, where the largest landowner is the owner of the local electric company, an ex mayor of the municipality in the second half of the 1990s, and the owner of the substitution well temporarily conceded to the CIMT. The fact that the potential new project is adjacent to the CIMT raised alarms of some irrigators about possible water redistributions from the well, a situation that occurs in other parts of the Segura basin.

Letur: If you see your neighbor's beard on fire…

Letur village and part of its orchard (2022).

…water your own, says the proverb. This prudent stance has been adopted by the neighboring Communities of Irrigators Fuentes de Letur (CIFL), which have refused to ‘modernize’ their system despite being included among the systems of general interest to Castilla La Mancha, as explained above. In Letur, the problems of depopulation and lack of profitability in irrigated agriculture are similar to those in Férez, but irrigators deployed a fierce defense of their water springs and their ‘traditional’ irrigation system.

Collective maintenance and cleaning of acequias (canals) in Letur (2022).

​​This defense has focused on prevailing the conservation of water springs against the threat of new wells that could jeopardize their flows, as was the case in Férez. Above the economic benefits that an increase in water flows could bring to agricultural production, CIFL leaders have a different position that echoes a historical and reflexive process within the community. For them, "drawing water from a well is taking it away from someone else: either your neighbor or your son", which extends to the environmental impacts that this shift has on return flows and the ecosystems associated with the irrigated agricultural production.

Digging wells is an indirect privatization of water that was previously a common good (...) if you dig a well and draw water from there, it is water that is no longer in the aquifer; the water that is not in the aquifer, cannot then come out in the sources, and the water that has been a common good, becomes a private good.

Commoners of the CIFL organized to implement huertos de aprendizaje (learning orchards) to promote and defend their ways of irrigating (2022).

Hence, irrigators of the CIFL prove to have deep consciousness of the political impact of irrigation transformations, from the shift in water source (surface to groundwater) until on-plot water application. According to community leaders, the value of their ‘traditional’ system goes beyond water distribution efficiency:

This irrigation system fixes much more population than the modern one because it is more demanding in labor. It has other values. It is not just producing a kilo of tomatoes. In this territory (…) we cannot compete in productivity with plots of 100 hectares of onion. Here you have to defend another product, another value.

The values promoted as a community are complex and variable, shaped by the times and circumstances that surround their performance. Yet, irrigators of this community advocate for practices and principles that have been part of the agroecosystem long before the mutual current ‘modernization’ plans. These consist of the vindication of collective infrastructure-maintenance instead of an outsourced management, collective learning in community orchards as opposed to technical expertise, and trust in the commoners’ good use of the system to adapt to water availability over a centralized and automated management.

Surface irrigation of a plot in Letur (2022).

Far from being a model, this community reflects a particular path that evolved from specific problems and whose practices become inscribed in distinct understandings of irrigated agriculture, its rules and principles, and the human and non-human networks that sustain its conservation and performance. When asked about issues of water scarcity in their community and the region, a commoner illustrated their stance in relation to their neighbors in Férez:

You only need to look at the situation in places where they modernized, like Férez, where there is no water. Here we are determined to protect the springs against new wells and there is plenty of water for all.

Altogether, changes in the legal framework, groundwater overabstractions, and ‘modernization’ policies contributed to reshape water governance in communities like the CIMT, conditioning the social relations in Férez and irrigators’ understanding and responses to variations in water availability. The case of the CIMT not only illustrates the artificial and political nature of water scarcity. It also represents how water policies and political networks contribute to the reordering of a hydrosocial territory, empowering particular actors and actions to the detriment of others. Instead of assuming narratives of water scarcity that depoliticize human-water interactions, higher attention from hydrosocial studies to the local and regional power dynamics, real interests, and coercive actions that unfold from those political perspectives would contribute to a deeper understanding about the implementation of water policies.

The case of the CIFL in Letur reflects a different process by which knowledge about irrigated agriculture transformations evolved and adapted to local and regional problematiques, including the environmental, social, and political. Far from romanticizing their particular approach in defense of ‘traditional’ irrigation, their position towards ‘modernization’ demonstrates a rich learning process that depends on communal dynamics, akin experiences, and economic means to develop their own goals as commoners and a community.

Both processes illustrate a clash between hegemonic and counter-hegemonic knowledge at different levels that is addressed in many communal irrigation systems of the Segura basin and elsewhere. 

First, at the ontological level, with regard to the postulates or presuppositions that we make about certain categories of knowledge, such as spatial or temporal. For some irrigators it may be the limits of the system or the conception of water as a free heritage, opposed to an ontology of space in “imbalance”, where it is necessary to bring water where it can produce more, conceived instead as a commodity. 

Second, at the level of imaginaries, where irrigators and water can be integrated into the community and the landscape, or aligned to socio-technical imaginaries where the irrigator is an individual entrepreneur. In both cases irrigators constitute political actors that display frameworks of meaning and establish what is legitimate, valid and true, and which claim authority around ‘modernization’ according to scientific, ecological criteria or which call for democratic processes that empower the collective. 

Finally, these levels translate into epistemologies that seem to be differentiated and categorized as conocimientos (technical knowledges) and saberes (vernacular knowledges) by hegemonic understandings of irrigated agriculture. 

Whether we build bridges among both positions is an endeavor that concerns irrigators, communities, local and regional politicians, academics, and policy makers, drawing on the common understanding that our ways of knowing and being shape the strategies of political legitimation.

About the author

Javier Rodríguez Ros

Javier Rodríguez Ros

Javier is an agroecologist, photographer, and Ph.D. candidate at Wageningen University (WUR) working in the Group of Water Management, Actors, and Uses (G-EAU) at the Institute of Research for the Development (IRD). Throughout his career, he has worked and collaborated with different NGOs and research centers in Latin America and Africa exploring water governance and its impacts on society and ecosystems. In his research, he examines from a political ecology perspective the shifting policies and strategies that determine who, how, and what solutions are proposed, financed, implemented, and managed to respond to water challenges in the Segura river basin.

References

CHS, 2022. ANEJO 03 Usos y demandas, p.56. https://www.chsegura.es/export/sites/chs/descargas/planificacionydma/planificacion21-27/docsdescarga/docplan2227BOE/A03_usos_y_demandas/ANEJO_03_Usos_demandas.pdf.

CHS, and INTECSA-INARSA. ‘Trabajos de Medida de Caudales En Manantiales y Niveles En Humedales de La Demarcación Hidrográfica Del Segura En El Periodo 2020-2022’, October 2022.

https://www.chsegura.es/export/sites/chs/descargas/cuenca/redesdecontrol/manantialesyhumedales/docsdescarga/Campana_octubre_de_2022.pdf

CHS, and INTECSA-INARSA. ‘Trabajos de Medida de Caudales En Manantiales y Niveles En Humedales de La Demarcación Hidrográfica Del Segura En El Periodo 2020-2022’, October 2022.

https://www.chsegura.es/export/sites/chs/descargas/cuenca/redesdecontrol/manantialesyhumedales/docsdescarga/Campana_octubre_de_2022.pdf

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